CHAPTER 1: FROM GERMANY TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES
Henry Bertrand was born on December 8, 1837, son of Godliep and Sophia Bertrand of Sulz, kingdom of Württemberg, in what is now Germany. He answered a call for more troops needed for the Union army by leaving Europe on the Windsor Forest from Havre, a port in Normandy, France in late February, 1862. Port Le Havre was a popular escape route for German immigration in the 1800s.
Bertrand could have been AWOL; soldier in the Wurttemberg Army, he was quick to leave but no money for a steamship. He was listed on the ship’s roster as Chr. Hr. Bertrand, age 24, occupation not known. Christoph was likely his first name, as German Catholics generally went by their middle name. Bertrand as a disciplined soldier, 5’6”, ruddy-faced with hazel eyes and brown hair. He was escaping a Germany that was becoming increasingly more Prussian, and Bismarck was about to take over.
PHOTOS NOT SHOWN HERE
Bertrand arrived on April 17th and made his way to Janesville, Wisconsin where his brother lived with his family. On May 6th he answered a recruiting call there for federal troops, enlisting in the 8th U.S. Volunteer recruiting had ceased, and regular army was Henry’s only option.
Irish and German immigrants were compared to Negroes but these emigrants of European countries—referred to as “cannon fodder”—made the vital difference between the manpower of the Union and the Confederacy. The Confederacy enlisted up to 12,000 foreign soldiers, the Union 500,000. Germans were deadly serious about liberty, freedom and democracy and brought to the Union Army a sense of discipline, talent and experience sorely needed.
Civil War Before Bertrand Arrives
Divisiveness—north and south, east and west, immigrant and native-born—defined the country for Bertrand’s entire army years, in a country disunited over progress and industrialization. The North was entering the age of the factory system, desired expansion for resources to the West, and the transportation revolution had just begun—all of which were threatened by the South’s continued desire to retain Jeffersonian principles of aristocracy and agriculture.
The issues leading to the Civil War are many and complex, such as slavery’s recognition in the Constitution, but war became a foregone conclusion when Lincoln was accepted as president in November 1860. Lincoln denied that they had the right to secede and declared that he would protect Union at all cost. Both sides claimed their actions were Constitutional. Because of the way the constitution was worded, war was the only way to change it; because while the country was united, the politicians could not agree. Even during Secession, Lincoln couldn’t pass appropriate legislation to end slavery until late in the war because five slave states remained in the Union and he couldn’t afford to lose them.
Even if the South had successfully formed its own country, war still would have been fought between the North and South over those western territories. No single reason for the war exists without some inference to slavery. The slavery issue had early roots but really heated up in 1854, when Kansas and Missouri, which became a slave state in 1821, began what was later referred to as a ‘civil war’ over Kansas’s slave status.
Slaves who remained on southern plantations while their “masters” went to fight were those who felt they didn’t have it so bad where they were. The South had had a respectable population of freed blacks by this time. Entering the northern labor force meant looking for work and often not finding it. Or taking jobs for lower wages from those already working.
While the states were seceding, one by one—eleven in all—these “Rebels” began to occupy forts in their own territories and kicked out the federal units. At Fort Sumter in South Carolina, Federal troops resisted and stayed put. They slowly ran out of supplies, so Lincoln sent an unarmed supply ship to their aid. A Southerner’s firing on that supply ship carries the burden of starting the war but the firing could well have been anticipated. Lincoln called for 75,000 militia to suppress the uprising—a three-month affair, he figured.
Lincoln and the government fought the idea that they were dealing with another government in this rebellion, and didn’t want to validate a few rebelling radicals by getting involved in the long-honored tradition of prisoner exchange between warring governments. The Southerners were the first to have any real prisoners due to their battle successes in 1861, and prisoner exchange at first was conducted between generals in the field, rather than governments. By late in 1861 Congress passed a resolution requesting that the president inaugurate prisoner exchange, using the logic that the prisoner exchanged is not exempt from the crime of treason. By early 1862 the army sought more regular army enlistment, rather than volunteer, because the temporary housing for their prisoners was jammed and provost guard units were being organized.
On May 6, 1862 Henry Bertrand enlisted into the Eighth U.S. Infantry. After arriving from the Germanic province of Württemberg in April, he waited two weeks to enlist because volunteer recruiting had been suspended as of April 3rd:
The recruiting service for volunteers will be discontinued in every state from this date. The officers detached on volunteer recruiting service will join their regiments without delay, taking with them the parties and recruits at their respective stations. The superintendents of volunteer recruiting service will disband their parties and close their offices, after having taken the necessary steps to carry out these orders.
Congress had budgeted for 592,748 volunteers and found the army at 714,231, but regular army enlistments were too low and provost guard units were needed to guard prisoners. Secretary of War Edwin Stanton also used this suspension of volunteer recruiting to compel the states to provide their returns. This closing of the recruiting office happened at a time when Lincoln was drawing troops from General George McClellan, who created the Army of the Potomac, and rumors of Rebel strength grew, giving Mac the timidity and anger against Lincoln that he suffered from all summer. It can also be argued that the closure also led to the drafting of men in 1863, the first ever in U.S. history.
Around this same time, Southern Congress enacted its draft, along with martial law, and the Confederate dollar plummeted. The draft was immediately unpopular there because of the clause that allowed the rich to avoid it, and because southerners believed theirs was a cause of state’s rights. As a result, they never could provide a real cohesive effort. Since few veterans indicated a willingness to remain in service, Davis asked to make it compulsory. His conscription act demanded all males between 18 and 35 enlist, with veterans adding on an extra two years, while Lincoln struggled with northern states wanting control of their volunteer troops. In this one area Lincoln agreed with Mac—states should not be furnishing full companies but providing men to fill the current companies “dead” spaces. Southern veterans accepted the draft, however, and southern newspapers crowed that these changes should have been done from the start.
Bertrand enlisted in Janesville where Lt. Ed Aiken of the Eighth U.S. Infantry was recruiting. His brother was given a dollar for submitting a qualified candidate. The Eighth was expected to a provost guard unit, which required its soldiers to read and write. Bertrand could, so his brother William got the $1.
CHAPTER 2: SEND MORE TROOPS
George “Mac” McClellan was considered by many to have a “great ego” but too timid to command his forces in battle. As the general who created the Army of the Potomac, he can also be portrayed as a man who knew how to bolster the spirits and confidence of his soldiers, but would only attack when he felt it to their advantage. His success in gaining West Virginia as a state carved from Virginia for the North was due more to his subordinate’s tenacity, although his men well regarded him as an excellent strategist. So Mac was given charge of the new enlistees out of which the Army of the Potomac was created. He developed an army of disciplined soldiers out of the volunteer force given him that had skedaddled at the First Manassas, and they were ready to follow him anywhere. Giving these raw volunteers the discipline they needed was critical after the early losses in 1861. Winter set in before Mac had completed the organization and training, and then he took ill with typhoid.
Lincoln lost a son in February 1862 and his wife’s mental state was in question. He developed an interest in spiritualism, as did many in this age—and even decades after his death his ghost was reported walking the White House, as though haunted by so many decisions.
Five days after cessation of volunteer recruiting in April Mac, in command of the Army of the Potomac, sent word that he needed more troops to make a planned attack on Yorktown. He learned even before volunteer recruiting was suspended that 10,000 men were being withdrawn from his forces and that the troops he had counted on from General John E. Wool’s department were also being withdrawn. Then Lincoln removed another 35,000, General Irwin McDowell’s forces, to be retained for the protection of the Union capitol at various locations in and around Fredericksburg (yellow dot on Map 1). Lincoln felt continually threatened, with Washington DC bordered by Virginia, the Confederate capitol, and Maryland, where its citizens were subjected to a policy of arbitrary arrests to crush out the secessionist sentiment. Richmond, the Confederate Capitol, and Washington were only 100 miles apart.
Mac wasn’t worried about Washington, as it was surrounded by a line of strong detached works, armed with garrison artillery and secure against assault. Even 34,000 should be enough.
Without consulting Mac, Lincoln appointed four corps commanders for the Army of the Potomac and demoted Mac from General-in-Chief of the entire northern armies to General of the Army of the Potomac, while Mac came up with his campaign against Yorktown. Lincoln thought this would enable Mac to move unencumbered. Mac bought into the Anaconda plan encouraged by General Winfield Scott—cut off their supplies and they will surrender.
Because volunteer recruiting had been halted, Mac feared that he would not have enough men to go after the Confederates properly. And since Mac was a Democrat, the radical Northern abolitionist political machine was never happy with his “anti-nigger” stance.
In March 1862 Lincoln issued a resolution for gradual emancipation in which any state that cooperated would get federal assistance, in the hopes that this would bring some of the Southern states back. He followed it up by declaring all slaves in Washington free on April 3rd, although according to Carl Schurz suffrage was not actually given to them until January 1866. At the same time, Senator Doolittle of Wisconsin tried to unite emancipation with colonization in other countries, including Africa.
But while Mac was wondering where his troops were, Bertrand was at Fort Columbus guarding and learning English, and didn’t muster in until August 10th. This delay to muster is unusual; generally the mustering oath was given “as soon as practicable, and at least within six days of enlistment.” Enlisted men were sent to regiments to be mustered into companies, determining at that time whether they were fit for duty.
Bertrand was sent first to Camp Randall, and then Chicago, before being sent to Fort Columbus, New York Harbor, which was the provost guard headquarters. In Madison guards patrolled ‘secesh’ (secessionist) prisoners from Fort Donelson and Island No. 10 at Camp Randall, prisoners captured in Mississippi River navy battles between the middle of February and early April. They arrived in Madison and Milwaukee by the end of April. Bertrand was sent to the state depot in Madison after enlistment because they needed help with these new prisoners.
He accompanied prisoners to Camp Douglas in Chicago, during a period of extreme filth reported at that camp. By May 7th they had a death report of 285, with 335 remaining, with diseases from bronchitis and pneumonia to severe diarrhea. Part of the problem was rations and part was the condition of the camp, covered in human excrement and garbage.
The Provost Guard
The provost guard evolved into what we today call the Military Police. The Provost had been active during the Revolutionary War, but the role fell into disuse after the War of 1812. After the firing on Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861, disturbances between civilians and soldiers became more frequent. Authorities were forced to detail regular troops into the streets to restore order. General Irwin McDowell, alarmed to see his soldiers looting, decided that one officer and ten soldiers from each regiment could act as a permanent police force to protect civilians as they marched. These were the Union Army’s first provosts.
General McClellan assigned the first formal list of duties for this new special department. These regulations included:
Ø Suppress marauding and depredations, brawls and disturbances, preserve good order, suppress drunkenness beyond the limits of the camps.
Ø Prevent straggling on the march.
Ø Suppress gambling houses, drinking houses or barrooms and brothels.
Ø Regulation hotels, taverns, markets and places of public amusement.
Ø Aid in and act on searches, seizures and arrests.
Ø Execute sentences of general courts-martial, involving imprisonment or capital punishment.
Ø Enforce orders prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors, whether by tradesmen or sutlers, and of orders respecting passes.
Ø [in charge of] Deserters from the enemy.
Ø [in charge of] Prisoners of war taken from the enemy.
Ø Passes to citizens within the lines and for purposes of trade.
Ø Complaints of citizens as to the conduct of the soldiers.
Men selected for the provost guard were expected to have the best reputation for efficiency, intelligence and attention to duty. The discipline and order of the camps depended on the personal care and judgment of the provost.
Provost guards were authorized to shoot their own men when provoked, according to Bertrand’s future commander, Marsena Patrick. Patrick could make soldiers weep like children. He tried to stop the soldiers from plundering, marauding and stealing of southern houses, as though unaware of the 1862 Confiscation Act, which, loosely interpreted, allowed for the confiscation of property of anyone aiding the Rebellion. Patrick wanted to have reliable men march at the head of every regiment, to be posted at the door of every southern house and “shoot down Officer or man who should attempt to enter.” As a Democrat and New Yorker, he hoped to see the Southern citizens suffer as little as possible. He was a close friend of Mac’s.
Story of a Uniform
The brass mountings on Bertrand’s shoulders, called scales, were retained for uniforms in the Civil War. Back when fighting was done with arrows and spears and short infantry swords, men wore coats of mail. The soldier’s “scale” represented the last remnant of the coat of mail, theoretically useful in warding off strokes of the saber on the shoulder.
While intelligent men knew them useless, no one suggested discarding them. Anson Mills’ regiment in 1863 lugged around a chest weighing over 300 pounds. When Mills asked the sergeant its contents, the sergeant told him it held the men’s uniform scales. Mills told him to throw the chest into the latrine. After several years of frontier campaign rejection of scales, they were bid a final farewell. No order was ever issued for their abandonment.
Life at Fort Columbus
The Eighth’s headquarters was first at Fort Hamilton (near today’s Staten Island). On May 23rd, coinciding with Bertrand’s guarding of prisoners from Madison to Chicago, this was changed to Fort Columbus in New York Harbor. Forts Hamilton and Lafayette were over-crowded with prisoners but Fort Columbus needed some remodeling to be habitable for troops.
Prisoner exchange officially began July 22nd, when a cartel was signed between the warring armies. The exchange was general for general, etc. or sixty privates for a general. The excess were put on ‘parole,’ which meant that they were freed but not allowed to serve in uniform until officially exchanged. Confederate officers were held at Fort Columbus while the enlisted prisoners were kept close by at Castle William.
Edward Drummond, a prisoner there from April to June 1862, described his environs as “a very fine place” where he had “nearly full sway of the Island.” They were treated better than were the prisoners at Castle William. Along with their prison diet of fat pork, Irish potatoes and rice, people in New York City would bring them such things as crackers, cheese and ham, allowing them to “live quite well.”
Prisoner Drummond noted the island overrun with soldiers by June 2nd. Bertrand was in this arrival of recruits. Drummond complained because they couldn’t have their regular ball-game in the yard that day.
Once at Fort Columbus, Bertrand was assigned to Company B under Captain William McEntire Dye, in a company so newly formed that its commanding staff wasn’t around. Dye had been with the Eighth since 1855, but when a volunteer regiment was raised in Davenport, Iowa in 1861, Governor Kirkwood requested that Dye be transferred as a commander. This request was refused because Dye could not officially transfer, per Regular Army policy. At the time of Bertrand’s enlistment in May, Dye was scheduled to return from leave. Instead, somehow, he managed to finagle that detached service to the Twentieth Iowa at a higher rank.
Any training Bertrand received here was of the informal variety, as the only duties listed for Fort Columbus was guarding prisoners. By early June 1862, the island held more than 1,000 prisoners, but over half were transferred out by the end of the month because that exceeded the island’s capacity—some to Johnson’s Island, Sandusky, Ohio, believed to be one of the healthiest of locations.
By the end of July, in anticipation of a new campaign and the Eighth’s full command roster, no prisoners remained on the island. Orders arrived on June 17th to transfer the Rebel officers, including Drummond, to Johnson’s Island. The Eighth Infantry in its recruitment had neared full capacity by that time.
Lincoln fretted about Mac’s continuous inactivity and Mac fretted about Washington’s lack of support for his plans. Finally on June 6th, the volunteer recruiting offices were opened again, but recruiting all summer was slow in part because the men were out working in the fields.
The President was nervous about the thought of England rallying to the support of the South with volunteers, arms, and blockades—maybe even making Canada a base of operations. Without a defeat of the Rebels by McClellan’s army, Lincoln knew he would have to make a political move—the offer of freedom for the slaves.
 McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 131-142 and 606. Anti-Roman fervor may be alive and well today in border politics with Mexico. Fritz Stern, Gold and Iron (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 20. Bruce Catton, The Army of the Potomac: Glory Road, (New York: Doubleday, 1952), 172. George F. Williams, Bullet and Shell: The Civil War as the Soldiers Saw It (Stamford: Longmeadow Press, 1994; previously published by Fords, Howard and Hulbert, 1884), 374-375. August 27 to September 1, 1862, Inside Lincoln’s Army: The Diary of Marsena Rudolph Patrick, Provost Marshal General, Army of the Potomac, edited by David S. Frontis Sparks (New York: Thomas Yoseloff Publishing, 1964). Intimate Letters of Carl Schurz, edited by Joseph Schaefer (Madison: Publications of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1928), 120 and 146. German Hurrah!, 1, 15 and 202. “German Language,” About.com, http://german.about.com/library/blgermyth07.htm. R. J.W. Evans, “The Gambler in Blood and Iron,” The New York Review of Books, February 23, 2012, 37 (a review article of two Bismarck books.)
 McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 14-17 & 23-24. The American dream, of course, is that a man works only awhile for wages until finally, through dedication and hard work, he becomes a business owner (28).
 James McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (New York: Ballantine Books, 1988), 422-426 & 437. John M. Schofield, Forty Six Years in the Army (New York: Century Co., 1897; reprint 1998, Univer-sity of Oklahoma Press, Norman), 56. Civil War Archives, edited by Henry S. Commager (New York: Tess Press, 2000), 86-87 & 116. Albany Evening Journal, January 2, 1864. Lowell Harrison, “Conscription in the Confe-deracy,” Civil War Times Illustrated, Vol. IX, No. 4, July 1970 (Gettysburg: Historic Times, Inc., 1970), 11-12. E.B. Quiner, The Military History of Wisconsin (Chicago: Clarke & Company, Publishers, 1866), 116-117.
 McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 300-301, 348-349 and 367. A German Hurrah!, 141.
 McClellan to Stanton, July 3, 1862 & McClellan to Lincoln, July 11, 1862, WROR, I.11.3, 291-292 & 315. “Seven Days Including Fraysers Farm,” Battles and Leaders, 404 and 404n.
 “The Peninsula Campaign,” George McClellan, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. II, edited by staff of Century Magazine (Castle, a div. of Book Sales, Inc., nd), 161.
 McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 334-335, 367, 423-426. George A. Custer, “War Memoirs,” Making of America: Cornell University Library, http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/moa-cgi?notisid=ACB8727-0022-61. Tom Wheeler, Mr. Lincoln’s T-Mails: the Untold Story of how Abraham Lincoln used the Telegraph to Win the War (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2006), 48. Civil War Archives, 116. Bruce Catton, Terrible Swift Sword (New York: Doubleday, 1963), 201. Civil War Chronicle, the only day-by-day portrait, edited by J. Matthew Gallman (New York: Gramercy Books, 2000), 130. Green Bay Advocate, March 20, 1862.
 General Report No. 1, Major General George McClellan, August 4, 1863, War of the Rebellion Official Records, (WROR), Washington: Government Printing office, 1880-901), 1.11.I, 13-15; accessed at Cornell Univer-sity Library website, http://digital.library.cornell.edu/m/moawar/waro.html. Milwaukee Sentinel, April 14, 1862. Holland Thompson, “Provost Marshal and its Citizens,” from The Photographic History of the Civil War, Vol. IV, www.civilwarhome.com/ProvostMarshal.htm. General Order No. 33, WROR, 3.2, 2 and Stanton to Ways and Means Committee, April 16, 1862, page 19-20 and Stanton to Halleck, May 1, 1862, 29. Quiner, Military History of Wisconsin, 117. The Civil War Chronicle, 163. McClellan to Stanton, April 8, 1862, WROR, 1.2.III, 82. Battle Chronicles of the Civil War, 1862 (edited by James McPherson and Richard Gottlieb (New York: MacMillan Publishing Co., 1989), 106. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 427. George Custer, “War Memoirs,” The Galaxy, Vol. 22, Issue 4 (New York: Sheldon & Co., October, 1876), 451. Bruce Catton, American Heritage Picture History of the Civil War (New York: American Heritage Publishing Co., 1960, 484-485. “McClellan organizing the Grand Army,” by Philippe, Coime de Paris, Aide-de-camp to General McClellan, Battles and Leaders, Vol. II, 112-113. Catton, Terrible Swift Sword, 85-91 and 187 and Picture History, 95 and 532. Wool to Stanton, July 21, 1862, WROR, 1.11.III, 330-331.
 Leon H. Canfield and Howard B. Wilder, The Making of Modern America, (Cambridge: Houghton Mifflin Press, 1954), 302. “Lincoln’s Inaugural Address, 1860,” American Historical Documents, “The Constitution of the United States, 1787,” edited by Charles W. Eliot (New York: P.F. Collier & Son Corp, 1910, reprint 1938), 313-322. Green Bay Advocate, March 13, 1862. Intimate Letters of Carl Schurz, edited and translated by Joseph Schafer, Wisconsin Historical Collections XXX (Evansville, Wis.: the Antes Press, 1929), 357.
 Armin Rappaport, “The Replacement System During the Civil War,” Military Analysis of the Civil War, an anthology by the editors of Military Affairs (Millwood, NY: Kto Press, nd), Folder 1, The Presidential Calls for Troops, State and National Politics, NARA, Washington DC, 118-119. Article XL, WROR, 3.2, 916-917. Philip Stern, The Confederate Navy: a pictoral history, (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1962), 78-79 & 94. Quiner, Military History of
 “April 15 1862,” Inside Lincoln’s Army: The Diary of Marsena Rudolph Patrick, Provost Marshal General, Army of the Potomac, edited by David S. Frontis Sparks (New York: Thomas Yoseloff Publishing, 1964), 68. Wilton P. Moore, “Union Army Provost Marshals in the Eastern Theatre,” Military Affairs, Vol. XXVI, No. 3, Fall, 1962, (Published by the American Military Institute, Washington DC), 120-121. J. Michael Martinez, Life and Death in Civil War Prisons (Nashville: Rutledge Hill Press, 2004), ix.
Moore, Union Army Provost Marshals,” 121-122. May 13, 1862, Marsena Patrick’s Journal. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 335 & 497. Carter, Four Brothers in Blue, 8 & 31. General Order No. 60,
 Camp and Outpost Duty for Infantry (New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1863), 64-68, Folder Office of Provost Marshal, Eastville, VA, Fort Leonard Wood Military Police Museum, Missouri. Moore, “Union Army Provost Marshals,” 123. Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877 (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1988), 55.
 General Order #116, April 12, 1862, WROR, 1.11.III, 93-94. April 12 & 20, 1862, Inside Lincoln’s Army. Bruce Catton, Army of the Potomac: Glory Road (New York: Doubleday, 1952), 128. Edward G. Longacre, “Mr. Lincoln’s Policeman,” Civil War Times Illustrated, Vol. 9, #7, (November 1970), 24. A German Hurrah!, 278. “The Second Confiscation Act, July 17, 1862,” http://www.history.umd.edu/Freedmen/conact2.htm .
 Anson Mills, My Story, 1918 (Washington DC: Press of Byron S. Adams, published by the author, second edition, 1921), 85-86.
 Fort Jay Chronology, http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/gate/fort_jay_hsr.pdf - link provided by Mike Shaver, Fort Columbus National Park. Green Bay Advocate, February 27, 1862.
 8th U.S. Infantry records, May – August, 1862 and “Governor’s Island,” New York State Military Museum,, http://www.dmna.state.ny.us/forts/fortsE_L/governorsIsland.htm. Regular Army Muster Rolls, 8th U.S. Infantry, Co. A., Record Group (RG) 94, Adjutant General’s Office (AGO), April 30, 1901 to October 31, 1912 & Co. B, Dec. 31, 1860 to December 31, 1867, Box 232. Williamson Murray, “The North’s Indispensable General,” Ulysses S. Grant, Great Commanders magazine, published by The HistoryNet.com, (Weider History Group: The HistoryNet.com, nd), 9. “Fort Jay Historic Structure Report, by Barbara Yocum, Architectural Conservator, National Park Service, http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/gate/fort_jay_hsr.pdf, 87-95. Also see Fort Jay Chronology. Hesseltine, Civil War Prisons, 36-38.
 Catton, Terrible Swift Sword, 193 and Picture History, 487. Phillipe, Comte de Paris, Battles and Leaders, Vol. II, 118. Green Bay Advocate, March 20, 1862. Kirkwood to S. Cameron, Secretary of War, and Cameron to Kirkwood, September 11-12, 1861, WROR, 3.1, 499-501. Major Wm G. Thompson, 20th Iowa Infantry, Civil War Correspondence, Box T379, (Iowa State Archives, DesMoines) Folder Correspondence (to his wife), 1863-1864, typed, #13.